Abstract

Development of the tourist industry throughout northern Finland means there exists a widespread sale of fake souvenirs that are imitations of the values, beliefs and practices connected to Sami cultural heritage and spiritual traditions. These novelties have no legitimate connection to Sámi pre-Christian religion in relation to cosmology and practice of Noaidivuohta – Shamanism, which is what they falsely reflect. Thus, their production can be understood to reflect a widespread appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage, which has become an exploitative resource. This investigation aims to expand on how sacred symbolism, and cultural landscapes are appropriated into the tourist industry and what the consequences are for the Sámi in relation to such appropriation.

Key words: drum symbolism, figures, misappropriation, identity, cultural heritage, protection

Introduction

In 2020, scholar of religion Francis Joy published an article titled: Sámi Cultural Heritage and Tourism in Finland, which addressed multiple issues in association with the widespread appropriation (cannibalization) of Sámi traditional knowledge and cultural heritage into tourism in Finland. The paper also referred to a number of published sources from both Sámi and non-Sámi scholars in the Nordic countries that have addressed the problems of appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage and spiritual traditions into tourism. These are as follows. Gunvor Guttorm: Duodji – Sami handicrafts – Who Owns the Knowledge and the Works? (2007). Stein R. Mathisen: Indigenous Spirituality in the Touristic Border Zone: Virtual Performances of Sámi Shamanism in Sápmi Park (2010). Maiju Lindholm: The Representation of Sámi People on Finnish and Norwegian Tourism Websites in English (2014). Trude Fonneland: Sami Tourism in Northern Norway: Indigenous Spirituality and Processes of Cultural Branding (2017); and Charlotte Bydler: Decolonial or Creolized Commons? Sámi Duodji in the Expanded Field (2017).

Although the problem of appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage into tourism has been on-going for several decades, it is only within approximately, the past fifteen years that the subject matter has gained significant attention, as the dates of the aforementioned publications demonstrate. However, and from assessment, after a study of literature on Sámi traditions and culture, which are introduced below, it seems the progress regarding halting assimilation and exploitation of Sámi spiritual traditions and cultural heritage into tourism has changed little as of the present time.

In terms of the origins of Sámi pre-Christian religion and worldview, and according to Sámi archaeologist Inga-Maria Mulk, and Tim Bayliss-Smith (2006: 25),

“The Sami religion is classified as a north Eurasian hunting religion, but it developed its own form during the post-glacial period when the Sami people lived as hunters, gatherers and fishers in relative isolation from other Finno-Ugrian groups (Ränk 1955; Pettersson 1957; Napolskikh 1992). It was an animistic religion. The natural world and all things within it, including people, animals, plants and even stones were considered to be animated. The world-view was communicated through myths, stories, songs, dances, images and rituals. […]. A distinctive feature of all north Eurasian religions was the importance of rituals connected to hunting and fishing, ceremonies involving the animals that were hunted, and shamanism (Hultkrantz 1965, 1985: 23, 1992)”.

It is of essential importance to understand some of the mechanisms that underly the polarization of the Sámi people and appropriation of their cultural heritage into tourism. Thus, and whereby, Sámi identity, culture and symbolism are swallowed up – assimilated into the Finnish National identity and culture through which Sámi symbolism becomes a representation of Finnish culture with a shamanic persona.

These behaviours are both explained and characterized by centuries of oppression by both the Churches and Nation States of the Nordic countries, namely, Norway Sweden and Finland. As a consequence of on-going persecution, one of the outstanding unresolved issues regarding mis-treatment of the Sámi people by for example, the Swedish state, surrounds the theft of hundreds of sacred drums from within their culture by missionaries and priests during the seventeenth century. These instruments were used prominently in the spiritual practices of divination in relation to hunting, fishing and trapping as well as fortune telling and prophesy in connection with Sámi pre-Christian religion. Many of these drums, which were taken from the Sámi by force were in addition, used spiritually, in the painful vocation of trance work and ecstatic revelations because the Noaiddit who was the ritual specialist in Sámi society posed the greatest threat to the authority of the church was a healer, curer and inter-species communicator. Data concerning these events is compiled in the work of Lars Levi Laestadius [1838-1845] (2002: pp, 208-211. Drums were hunted down and burned predominantly, between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

The drums that survived the confrontations, are today, found in museums in Copenhagen, Denmark; Stockholm, Sweden; Cambridge and London in the United Kingdom, as well as Rome, Italy; Leipzig, Germany and Marseille, France and total approximately seventy in number. The highest number of drums (34) being held in Sweden at the Nordiska Museet in Stockholm.

Each of these sacred artifacts can be understood as part of the illicitly exported cultural heritage belonging to the ancestors of today’s Sámi people from Norway, Sweden and Finland. Images of these drums and their cosmological landscapes have been copied extensively and reproduced within different tourism sectors in Finland.

The inherent value of Sámi traditional knowledge, which is called Árbediehtu in the Sámi language can be seen through cosmological landscapes, symbolism and figures painted on the sacred Sámi drums. This spiritual knowledge has been described in terms of its values for the Sámi people in the following ways by Sámi scholars Jelena Porsanger and Gunvor Guttorm (2011: 18).

“Árbediehtu is the collective wisdom and skills of the of the Sami people used to enhance their livelihood for centuries. It has been passed down from generation to generation both orally and through work and practical experience. Through this continuity, the concept of árbediehtu ties past, present and future together”.

From the drums that were stolen from the Sámi, there were predominantly 2 types and these were divided into frame and bowl types; “gievrie-frame type, and Goabdes or meavrresgárri-bowl type” Westman and Mulk (1999: 10). Sámi scholar John E. Utsi (1999: 9) describes the painted Sámi drum landscapes as “a mirror of the soul”.

The content of the drum landscapes could vary significantly depending on the area they had come from. Symbols were connected with and representative of stories and oral narratives that have special meaning for example:

“Rádde-olmmái, the silent ruler, Ruoná nieida, the goddess of vegetation, Muoddá-áddjá, the old one in furs, Sáivá, the other world, Rieban, the little fox, Sieidi, the place where one meets the gods, Sarvva, the cosmic elk, Beavvás, the shining mother, Rievsset, the snow-grouse, Heastta, the animal who carries him on the cross” Westman and Mulk (1999: 22), are some of the main ones.

Therefore, a study of painted cosmological landscapes on Sámi drums collectively, demonstrates what Sámi scholar Gunvor Guttorm (2011: 66) refers to as “[…] the existence of a common memory” and are henceforth, tied to Sámi ethnicity and related practices.

Analysis of the historical background of the Sámi people in relation to use of their original drums as their cultural heritage in order to gain insight into how replicas of these have been appropriated into tourism in Finland.

As a further method for being able to understand the value sacred Sámi drums have within Sámi culture, as well as their various uses, applications and practices in connection with pre-Christian religion; practices, which are still in existence today and in order to be able to comprehend in what ways ancient drum symbolism has been appropriated into tourism and therefore, polarizing the Sámi people, it is necessary to bring into focus some of the sources and narratives pertaining to data written about drums, previously.

Moreover, this helps to make a point about how approximately the seventy surviving sacred drums stored in museum archives and current exhibitions in European countries are a part of the painful legacy of the Sámi people in relation to this loss of their cultural heritage and as a consequence, why it has become an exploitative resource. The main reason for this is because these ancient drums contain painted landscapes consisting of a wide variation of mythic images, symbolism and figures that are representative of the institution of Noaidivuohta, a north Sámi term, which represents a set of beliefs and practices that are concerned with engaging with spiritual powers within the universe in connection with the Sámi shamanistic tradition and related knowledge systems. Such has been the importance of the drums, their painted landscapes and knowing about their history and use that Nordic scholars have made a great contribution to this particular field of study in order to better understand their histories, uses and functions.

To begin with, analysis of these traditions and practices is probably the most monumental within the photographic works of Ernst Manker published in German and titled: Die Lappische Zaubertrommel: Eine Ethnologische Monographie.1. Die Trommel als Denkmal Materieller Kultur [The Lappish Drum: An Ethnological Monograph 1. The Drum as a Monument of Material Culture]. (1938), which provides an inventory of all the surviving drums including shells that have no skins attached to the, which makes approximately seventy-seven in total. Photographs of all the drums and the tools used to play them with as well as those used for divination purposes. In addition, how different types of drums have been constructed and in which areas these have their origins.

Manker’s second volume published in 1950 and titled: Die Lappische Zaubertrommel: Eine Ethnologische Monographie. 2. Die Trommel als Urkunde Geistigen Lebens [The Lappish Drum: An Ethnological Monograph. 2. The Drum as a Record of Spiritual Life], illustrates how documentation of Sámi indigenous knowledge painted on the heads of drums, has provided a descriptive record of both spiritual and mundane realities that are like oral and cognitive maps, which tell the story of the land and its people. Manker (1893-1972) was a Swedish ethnographer who interviewed and collaborated with Sámi people in Sweden and made interpretations regarding different types of symbolism and their importance in their respective locations painted on the drum heads using both missionary sources as well as those of later researchers combined with his own work.

Another important source portraying the value of ancient Sámi drums and their cosmological symbolism and landscapes is the edited works of Swedish scholars Tore Ahlbäck and Jan Bergman: The Saami Shaman Drum: Papers Based on the Symposium on Saami Religion held at Åbo, Finland, on the 19th and 20th of August 1988 (1991). For example, their collaborative works, which contains that of eminent Nordic scholars portrays through a multitude of contexts, in what ways the creation and application of knowledge on drumheads through art demonstrates how nature is transformed into a language that is symbolic of the concepts of place. Equally, where landscapes are both socially and spiritually orientated beings, through which, the Sámi Noaidi, the religious specialist in Sámi culture, negotiates with the spirits of the land and those that dwell within invisible worlds. The stories associated with the painted landscapes are significant because they are what help keep Sámi culture alive. In this sense it is possible to understand how cosmological landscapes are also linguistic landscapes that symbolize both cultural and linguistic diversity both past and present[1].

Other important sources published regarding drum use and Sámi pre-Christian religion are Swedish scholar Håkan Rydving’s books: The End of Drum Time: Religious Change among the Lule Saami, 1670s-1740s (1993); and Tracing Sami Traditions: In Search of the Indigenous Religion Among the Western Sami During the 17th and 18th Centuries (2010). Both of these sources have been instrumental in the examination and interpretation of Noaidi drum figures and symbolism. In his early works, Rydving covers various contexts regarding the persecution of the Noaidi, which led to the destruction of the drums in the Luleå area of Sweden, as well as the different aspects of Sámi religion as depicted through the accounts of clergymen. His later works has been quite specific in dealing with place names, and terminologies in relation to lingiustic and archaeological research, as well as examining the important role and function birds, which are painted on drums, have undertaken as helpers of the Noaidi.

In her scientific works: The Noaidi and his Worldview: A Study of Saami Shamanism from a Historical Point of View (2005), Swedish Sámi scholar of religion Louise Bäckman has made valuable contributions on the examination of Sámi pre-Christian religion and drum use with regard to spiritual consciousness and translating the language of nature into oral narratives. For example, in what ways and in addition to healing and out-of-body journeys the Noaidi “[…] preserved and effectively transmitted traditional myths and was also able to renew them as well as create new ones. Thus, the Noaidi also acted as a mytho-poet” Bäckman (2005: 30).

Furthermore, and with regard to the terminology used to express what the Noaidi did, shamanism is referred to by Bäckman (2004: 31), as “Noaidism (Shamanism), or the behavior and knowledge of the Noaidi, called noeitetemmie in the language of the southern Saami and Noaidivuohta in the northern Saami language”. In this sense Bäckman’s work has helped to better understand by what means the phenomenon of shamanism as a cultural practice, has been built on traditions, belief systems and ritualistic behaviors within Northern and Arctic cultures and is primarily referred to in terms of one of the core traditions and cultural expressions associated with Sámi religion in scholarly discourse.

Today, within Sámi culture, the continuous use of cultural heritage through for example, the living Sámi handicraft traditions of duodji, which is a livelihood practice connected to both language and culture that embodies different art forms is both evidential and demonstrative of mythical continuity of both traditions and practices that create a bridge between the past and future. Ancient decorated drums made by Sámi people are part of this living duodji tradition. From the aforementioned literature, evidence suggests for the Sámi, the landscape has a soul and the drum has a soul. The transmission of knowledge as oral stories depicted on drums have been passed from generation to generation through art and myths. Myths are visions expressed by people who believe the land has a soul. The drum in this sense is an emblem of Sámi identity, remembering, codes of conduct for behavior and providing a sense of belonging and well-being.

Such has been the impacts that have unfolded concerning the loss of the spiritual cultural heritage which is what the collection of drums are tied to, as well as the destruction of drums by missionaries and clergymen that these events on the one hand were considered to be an attempt to stop Noaiddit from using sorcery and black magic, which then on the other hand, justified the Swedish states drive to convert the Sámi to Christianity and assimilate them into the mainstream cultures, as noted in the following.

“During the last 400 years Sami culture has been greatly influenced by the external world. Forms of contact including raiding, trading, tax-collections, state borders and administrative encapsulation, colonization, missions combined with schooling, racism, cultural oppression and assimilation” Helander and Kailo (1998: 20).

Despite the consequences for the Sámi regarding the aforementioned events, both the value and importance of ancient drums and their symbolism still have today within contemporary culture has been expressed by Sámi scholar Helander-Renvall (2015: 1), who states how:

“Among the Sámi, shaman drums are still treated with respect as they give expression to existence of spirit beings and sacredness of life. In addition, every historical drum and its symbols are still important for the identity, inscape and cohesion of Sámi people as they mark out the inner energizing aspects of culture”.

Because of these events that have been noted above, presently, throughout the whole of Norwegian, Swedish and Finnish Sápmi, the Sámi homeland areas, as well as areas settled by the populations of the Nation States that were former Sámi settlement areas, there is an excess of decorated household items to be found on sale in souvenir shops and hotels, such as textiles and jewelry containing symbolism and figures that have been copied from Sámi cosmological landscapes on sacred drums in the custody of European museums. These unethical practices have been in operation for several decades within the tourism industry in Finland. Artificial representations of Sámi cosmology such as figures of gods, goddesses, spirits, Noaidi, animals and symbols tied to suns, moons and sacrificial structures for example, have been widely reproduced by factories and businesses in Finland, as well as in China and Estonia. Henceforth, a multitude of fake souvenirs falsely representing Sámi culture made abroad are imported back to Finland and are thus, sold to tourists by both Finnish and Sámi businesses.

As a direct aftermath of the persecutions of the Sámi people for centuries and removal of their cultural heritage into the custody of museums the following points can be noted.

“Artifacts as such and their symbolism are appropriated into tourism for many reasons. The overall ones can be attributed to an overall lack of protection, a loss of culture through colonialism, ethno-tourism and lack of education concerning the cultural heritage of the Sámi people in the education systems in general throughout Fennoscandia and Kola Peninsula” Joy (2020: 144).

Aims of the research and structure of the paper

In addition to expanding on what has been written above in connection with both the historical background of the Sámi people and appropriation of their cultural heritage into tourism, this informative research aims to bring into focus a number of additional challenges the Sámi people have to protect their cultural heritage with regard to its misuse.

It should be mentioned that this is not a black and white issue because as noted, there are also some Sámi people who own shops and businesses and who likewise, sell fake items to tourists as a way of making a living. Today amongst Finns in northern Finland, there are descendants of what was the Kemi Sámi culture, which according the Sámi Parliament does not exist anymore, but who feel they are entitled to use the ancient heritage of their ancestors. This is a complex matter of which little if any research has been undertaken concerning tourism and souvenirs. Therefore, it is not a matter addressed in this paper but a subject matter for future study. In addition, and in order to further and better understand the Sámi’s grievances concerning exploitation and misuse of their cultural heritage, a comprehensive study would be needed concerning analysis of the purpose of both individual and cultural memory within the Sámi context. This would be in order to be able to comprehend the broader significance of cultural and individual memory in relation to heritage and ancestors and why it is of fundamental value and how and why misuse is harmful.

The research materials presented below have been formulated and combined in such a way they bring into focus a multitude of different contexts and examples of how and where polarization of the Sámi in Finland is described and taking place as encountered through fieldwork. Moreover, presenting evidence of repeated violations concerning the misuse, exploitation and incorporation of their cultural heritage into different tourism sectors in northern Finland. In addition to this, and as a way bringing into focus objections by the Sámi regarding how their heritage is misused I included in the research various articles published in the media as well narratives from within scholarly sources published in the past two decades from Norway, which refer to issues as such.

In order to do this effectively, I have formulated the paper in such a way it has four main parts to it. The first (above) presents a discussion on the historical background of the Sámi people, including narratives concerning drum usage as a basis for highlighting the significance of historical events that can be seen as being contributory as to how and why drums and their cosmological symbolism are appropriated into tourism in Finland. Thus, polarizing the Sámi. Moreover, and as a means for broadening this discussion it has been necessary to introduce in what ways the drums have been used and their value within the Sámi pre-Christian religion as outlined above.

Secondly and to follow, I have incorporated a short chapter describing what cultural appropriation is and why it is harmful. This is prior to a number of sources that have been compiled that present the voices of Sámi scholars and what they have said about the appropriation of their cultural heritage into tourism in Finland. The aims of including these, some of which are lengthy quotes, but necessary in the research, are because what they describe helps bring into focus what cultural heritage is and the grievances many Sámi hold regarding what the tourism industry in Finland is doing in connection with false representation of their spiritual traditions and practices, as well as misrepresentation of their cultural handicrafts and religious symbolism, which have been copied from drums to make numerous fake items with. To end this section, I have included a discussion about the importance of cultural heritage and its values and functions, which likewise and in addition, furthermore, aims at affirming the grievances Sámi scholars have regarding exploitation of their cultural symbols and traditions.

The aims of the third part of the research sees the presentation photographic data taken at different locations in northern Finland that introduces a multitude of different contexts where appropriation is evident. These are from souvenir shops, a fun-park ride and a company in Kemi northern Finland called Lappituote that produces souvenirs.

In terms of research ethics, in each case, authorization was given by persons working in the shops and at the fun-park to photograph the materials. The persons working in each of the shops did not want to talk about the subject matter of appropriation because some know it is a controversial topic. At the two shops in Ivalo area, the English language skills of each person working in the shops was not sufficient enough to have dialogue with them regarding what they had to say about the fake souvenirs and my use of Finnish language is very limited. By contrast, the man in the fun-park in Oulu did not wish to give his name but said that “the Finns and Sámi are the same culture, so there is no problem in reusing the symbolism and designs from shaman drums within the context of the setting” Anonymous (2017:1).

The reasons for choosing this approach are because the photographic data supports what the Sámi scholars have to say regarding appropriation of their cultural heritage into tourism and makes their claims valid and brings into focus the case for polarization. Moreover, the approach furthermore, demonstrates what has been written by Joy (2020) in relation to how the Finnish government has failed to respect and thus, protect Sámi cultural heritage and spiritual traditions from assimilation.

To follow the presentation of the photographic data, the fourth section of the research presents four chapters; the first is a discussion on why is mythical symbolism important and how can its value be defined. The second, brings into focus the roles and values of cosmological landscapes and mythic symbolism as maps to ecstasy. Although these two chapters would be suited well to follow the discussion on the use of drums by the Sámi Noaidi earlier on in the paper, I am presenting the material at this point in the study because it’s aims are to help reflect the differences between the use and application of authentic symbolism in connection with spiritual and religious practices that have nothing to do with the saturated fake symbolism introduced in the previous chapter. Moreover, these two chapters help further demonstrate why appropriation would be harmful to the well-being and self-esteem of the Sámi people.

The final chapter before the conclusion chapter aims at summarizing the consequences of appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage based on the evidence presented previously.

Approach to the research and method used

Because the approach to the subject matter is ethnographical research carried out through a survey of textual sources and photographic data that have been collected predominantly through fieldwork, I have adopted a descriptive research design method in order to conduct the analysis. The reasons for assessing, formulating and presenting in particular the combined materials in this way is because the method helps to both outline and describe the different kinds of examples regarding what constitutes to appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage into tourism and why. Thus, the photographic material is fundamental in demonstrating some of the scope and depth of the existence of the problem of appropriation within tourism in Finland in connection with fake duodji (fake Sámi handicrafts) and souvenirs decorated with misrepresentations of Sámi cosmology and spiritual practices.

Typically, “a descriptive survey attempts to establish the range and distribution of some social characteristics, such as education or training, occupation, and location, and to discover how these characteristics may be related to certain behavior patterns or attitudes” Zurmuehlin (1981: 54). I have chosen this approach being that it is relevant with the location (Arctic – Sápmi; northern Finland), and occupations (the tourist industry selling fake representations of Sámi cultural traditions and spiritual practices) and because of the behaviour patterns and attitudes of the tourism industry in Finland towards the Sámi and their cultural heritage in relation to appropriation and oppression, which is one of the main causes of polarization.

In connection with application of the research method. In order to combine the subject matters and materials together, which present evidence of appropriation and polarization it has been necessary to describe beforehand, the historical background of the Sámi and the effects of colonialism and oppression has had upon the culture as voiced by Sámi scholars. Including their grievances in this approach helps to gain a better understanding of the events that have contributed towards shaping of local history and traditions as presented within dysfunctional tourism practices that lead to polarization. Moreover, by including Sámi voices in the research, their contributions can be understood more coherently as they name numerous contributing factors or perhaps the root causes behind polarization and being ripped off and the indictment of Sámi spiritual traditions into tourism today.

In addition, through the descriptive approach, an attempt has been made to demonstrate what cosmology is and why it is important to the Sámi. This is in relation to the nature of the cosmos portrayed through mythic art, which is unique to the culture with regard to their oral traditions because it continues to have an influence on their lives, well-being, traditions and the processes of identity building.

One of the core points for outlining the value of mythic art as it is described, is that by bringing its merit, functions and orientation into focus as painted cosmological landscapes from sacred drums, is descriptions as such aim at contrasting how and why fake reproductions of heritage are manufactured and thus, demonstrate in what manner the Sámi are exploited and henceforth, polarized. Equally, the importance of the photographic data collected through fieldwork in souvenir shops throughout northern Finland, including in Sápmi, the Sámi homeland areas is critical because it provides evidence for the existence of appropriation and how souvenir businesses make money from practices as such.

What is cultural appropriation and why is it harmful?

“[Cultural appropriation is] a term used to describe the taking over of creative or artistic forms, themes, or practices by one cultural group from another. It is in general used to describe Western appropriations of non‐Western or non‐white forms, and carries connotations of exploitation and dominance” Oxford Reference (2020: 1).

When considering how the creation of myths play a central part to the formulation of cosmology, culture and identity building, as well as how the transmission of those oral narratives and stories are part of intangible cultural heritage, then given in what ways Sámi cosmological landscapes are appropriated into tourism in Finland, it could be considered that this is a contributing factor towards further deconstruction of Sámi culture and identity that bears the hallmark of colonialism.

Desecration of religious symbolism as such, can likewise be viewed as a consequence of the on-going denial by Finns and some Sámi persons regarding Sámi beliefs and practices, which for many Sámi people still demonstrate their faith and belief in a mythical reality, which gives shape and form to Sámi society and oral traditions. This core cultural and societal-spiritual interior, is what has been hijacked through missionizing and assimilation policies for centuries. Henceforth, to mis-characterize, and misrepresent culture in such a way, it now invalidates, de-values and further reduces the existence of authentic Sámi traditions through exploitation within tourism.

In order to provide a broader explanation of the main context Sámi cosmology and myths appear in, in relation to mythical symbolism and its value with regard to cultural heritage it is necessary to briefly examine one of the primary frameworks that it appears inside of on sacred Sámi drums, which is within the interior of Noaidivuohta, or shamanism.

Examples of grievances from within Sámi scholarship in Norway and cases reported through the media in Finland

This widespread appropriation of heritage into tourism combined with the loss of sacred Sámi drums and subsequently collated with the destruction of many aspects of Sámi pre-Christian religion by missionaries is why many Sámi persons not only in Finland but Sweden and Norway as well, hold grievances towards the exploitation and unethical use of their cultural heritage. Henceforth, these grievances and the illicit theft of their cultural heritage and traditional practices, as well as fake practices that are falsely represented as being Sámi deemed to be representative of Sámi religion when they are not, can be contextualized within what is noted above in relation to oppression and mistreatment of the Sámi ethnic group particularly in Finland by the Finnish governments both past and present.

To further expand on the nature of some of these grievances Sámi scholar John T. Solbakk from Norway provides some insight into the extent of the problems of appropriation in Finland in the following manner.

“We have long lived in the belief that in our earlier spiritual culture, outsiders would probably not find anything that could be transformed into a marketable product. We suddenly awoke from our dreams when we saw in what way the Finnish tourist industry was marketing the country’s northernmost area, Sápmi, how they presented and actually sold the county’s indigenous people for adventure hungry tourists.

Tourists who have bought adventure holidays to Sámi Siidas (tribes/settlements) created by the tourist industry have seldom had the opportunity to meet representatives for the Sámis and become acquainted with Sámi culture. And of course, the hosts and hostesses, people who are foreign to Sámi culture, dress up and perform in Sámi attire. The information they communicate is usually inaccurate.

The Sámis are typically portrayed as primitive and less gifted beings. One of the big adventures that tourists have been offered is a Sámi baptism. Tourists are led into an artificial Sámi environment, usually a lávvu (Sámi tent). Here, they are going to take part in a traditional Sámi act. A person dressed as a Noaidi, a Sámi shaman, is the master of ceremonies. He performs a baptism ceremony, mumbles some incantations, after which the tourist receives a soot mark on his or her forehead and an indiscernible drink. Now he/she has been baptized in the traditional Sámi way, as they say.

The ceremony is supposed to indicate that the traveler has passed the Arctic Circle at Rovaniemi, the gateway to the Sámis land, where this ceremony has taken place for some years. The Sámis of course have never had such a form of baptism. The tourism industry has devised this to attract travelers and give them an exotic adventure on their journey. For many years, Sámi spokespersons have criticized this form of pollution of the Sámi culture, but those responsible have not been willing to accept the criticism or do anything about it” Solbakk (2007: 7-8).

By including different types of grievances and concerns Sámi scholars have regarding the widespread misuse of their heritage; it is again advantageous to consider furthermore what has been written and thus, debated within Sámi scholarship regarding the consequences for their culture and its traditions in relation to an overall lack of protection by the Nordic states with respect to some of the different outcomes as a result. It comes as no surprise that in terms of appropriation in Finland, the problem has been so widespread that a further specific detail and reference has been made to it by professor of art and handicraft at the Sámi University College in Kautokeino, Norway, Gunvor Guttorm (2007: 84-85) regarding to what degree:

“Many outside of Sami community use symbols that have been tied to the pre-Christian religion and other symbols as well. Often, the symbols are used to lure tourists for the purpose of sale. I feel that the symbols are not being used in an ideal way, but with a commercial objective in mind. On the Finnish side, the Samis have often regretted that Finns have incorporated Sami symbols in their own culture and commercialism. An example of this is the mass production of souvenirs using drum symbols. Seija Risten Somby writes in her thesis that for duojárat on the Finnish side, the duodji brand has been a blessing for distinguishing between tourist duodji and forged duodji. Unfortunately, however, duojárat on the Norwegian side buy a lot of “false duodji” and sell it in their shops and stands along the road (Somby 2003). By false duodji she means, amongst other things, mass-produced, factory manufactured articles”.

What further complicates these matters of assimilation of cultures and traditions is how there are also mixed blood relations between both the Sámi and the Finns to the extent, some might argue they are one of a kind or closely related to each other. In my opinion, this is a subject matter of great complexity, but needs to be noted here. A good example of in what manner this plays itself out has been well defined by Guttorm (2007: 63-64) in the following way and is concerned with how and when heritage becomes a:

“[…] Consumer product where interests are in focus, and when there is a discussion of rights to own a collective heritage that comes to expression in some objects. […] Cultural and artistic expressions have long been regarded as free. Historically, indigenous peoples have experienced that majority populations have categorized, made use of and ‘represented’ indigenous peoples’ cultural expression, and often used this knowledge for their own benefit”.

In connection with grievances among the Finnish Sámi regarding exploitation of cultural heritage being widespread in Finland, Sámi journalist and reindeer herder Aslak Paltto in 2008 drew attention to problems of appropriation and what he had to say was published by Finland’s national public service broadcasting company YLE, titled, Restrictions on the use of Sámi cultural symbols. Another article in 2008 came from K. Mar Hauksson and was published by IceNews—News from the Nordics under the heading, Finland’s Saami protect their cultural symbols. In 2015, Paltto had another article published in the YLE News titled; Saami people are trying to stop exploitation of indigenous handicrafts.

In addition, there have likewise been academic forums debating the plight of the Sámi and their cultural heritage and exploitation within tourism sectors and subsequent struggles for protection. To provide some idea of how long debates have been going on regarding the mis-use of Sámi cultural heritage in Finland, between the 27th – 31st of October 2008, the Sámi Council organized an international conference in Rovaniemi in association with Sámi cultural heritage week, titled Saami Cultural Heritage Week and 19th Saami Conference[2].

The appropriation and misrepresentation of the traditional Sámi dress Gákti has been so extensive, the Sámi have set up a Facebook page in order to share material about it: Daja II fake samegárvvuide – Say NO to fake Sámi costumes[3]. Despite this fact, the Gákti is the only part of Sámi cultural dress that is not allowed to be sold in shops; however, there are no accountability laws for anyone who does not adhere to this agreement between the Sámi Parliament in Finland and the Finnish tourism industry. The Facebook page provides photographs of the misuse of the National Sámi costume within multiple contexts in different countries and also commentary about these. Therefore, providing the reader was some idea of the extent of the problem and why the page has been set up to address issues as such.

With further reference to the aforementioned, the importance of the matters pertaining to addressing grievances regarding cultural heritage has been largely ignored by ministers and politicians, previously. Therefore, the subject matter likewise, deserves to be brought into focus as one of the significant outstanding unresolved issues between the Sámi and current Finnish government.

One of the major problems related to this subject matter according to Grey and Kuokkanen (2019: 9) is that “[…] Sámi governance of cultural heritage does not feature strongly in research or public debate, if at all”, and thus, why there is a lack of academic sources on these subject matters, which are of high current interest, especially in relation to tourism in Finland, which is what makes an investigation of this nature developmental but difficult as well.

The sources presented above are important and valuable for this study because they represent how the Sámi feel regarding the on-going struggle the Sámi people in both Finland and Norway have to try and stop exploitation of their cultural heritage, whilst at the same time, help raise awareness of what has been and still is a widespread problem throughout the country.

Given the fact that appropriation is rooted in colonialism and the destruction of Sámi sacred sites as well as degradation of religious practices by the majority cultures, by understanding what has happened in the historical background conveys how these practices were aimed at demoralizing and alienating the Sámi. Conversely, today, by socially excluding them from decisions on what happens regarding use of their intangible and intangible cultural heritage, which is what the ancient drums and their landscapes are, regarding being appropriated into tourism, adds to further intentional damage to their community, and to traditions and practices. Hence, not only for economic reasons but also perhaps for religious reasons with regard to attempts at further alienating them from their pre-Christian religion, the traditions of which are in some parts of Sápmi still alive and practiced today.

The importance of cultural heritage and its values and functions

In order to expand on the subject matter of appropriation and the significance of the injustices that surround exploitation of ancient sacred drums and their important cosmological landscapes, I consider it helpful to present a brief discussion about what cultural heritage is and its values and functions with regard better comprehending the Sámi relationship with the land. This is necessary because the subject matter at hand deals with Sámi pre-Christian religion and related practices that have always been intimately tied to the land.

In the case of the stolen cosmological drum landscapes and subsequent appropriation of this heritage into tourism, it helpful beforehand to acknowledge the following points as noted by McGowan (2004: 38) for better understanding the role and function of landscape plays as a value system.

“In the Sámi context, knowledge, language, and belief are closely tied to the land, and the land exists as a vibrant, living landscape. This living landscape is important for the Sámi as a physical resource, and is a fundamental part of Sámi society. The land also reflects a mythical landscape, housing the symbolic elements central in the secular and sacred lifestyles of the Sámi”.

“[Henceforth], Cultural heritage is the tangible and intangible values such as, ways of life and cosmic views obtained from forefathers and maintained presently with the intention of passing them on to progenies. Values such as intrinsic spiritual aspirations and beliefs are often considered intangible cultural heritage, while objects such as artefacts and historic structures are considered tangible heritage […]. The three main concepts are identified as central to understanding the cosmic views of indigenous peoples. These are belief in the immortality of the soul, fatalistic views and the role of the ancestors” Akto, Piésold & Co (2008: 1).

Pertaining further to what is described above, it is helpful likewise, to comprehend why cosmology is important in connection with the relationships between each of the individual drum owners the drum and the structures depicted on drums as a reflection of their individual knowledge of the universe and its functions with regard to heritage. What this means is cosmology is integral because of its associations with the origins and development of the universe that are entwined within Sámi beliefs, practices and livelihoods. Therefore, observation of landscapes painted on the Sámi drums by Noaiddit can help with comprehending in what ways “[…] the entire lifestyle of a culture is built upon its mythic view of reality” Sandner (1979: 14), which is unique to each of the Sámi artists. “[…] [Moreover] cosmology […] can be recognized as dovetailing aspects of a meaningful, coherent, integrated, functional, encompassing worldview or mythos, which are based on the shaman’s and the tribe’s way of life” Walsh (1991: 88).

To further demonstrate the value and functions ancient Noaidi drums have for the Sámi people in connection with cultural heritage, it is obligatory to further comment on the aforementioned by Akto, Piésold & Co (2008: 1) in relation to “[…] the role of the ancestors”. In essence, the painted drum landscapes are like diaries or logs, some of which, on the ancient south Sámi drums we find according to Swedish scholar of religion Bo Sommarström (1987 and 1991), “representations of the sky, stars or cosmos in visual form [which] date back to the Stone Age and are familiar throughout the ancient world” Campion (2017: 11). Henceforth, highlighting the important role cultural memory plays in the decoration of Sámi drums historically with regard to the transmission of culture and traditions and as both tangible and intangible cultural heritage.

When viewed in a much broader context, the debate about the cultural heritage of the Sámi people in connection with the ancient drums and cosmological landscapes, it is possible to further grasp the following points. How both north and south Sámi drums and their painted landscapes on reindeer skin demonstrate in relation to transmission of culture, the role of the Noaiddit in Sámi society as artists, creators and preservers of cultural memory from, for example, the sixteenth century onwards as ancestors of the Sámi people today. Further important points necessary to acknowledge with regard to the values of cultural heritage and its functions, are how descendants of those whom the drums were taken from and who faced persecution, presently, continue on in various capacities in modern society. Meaning, the drums are not only the collective property of the Sámi but in certain cases can be seen as individual family heirlooms as well.

As evidence for the ancient drums that are in the custody of the aforementioned European museums being family heirlooms, in the scholarly works of Ernst Manker published in 1938, the names of many Noaiddit who were persecuted and who owned and had drums taken from them are mentioned, as are their places of origins. Some of these having left their signatures on the drum skins. The highest number of these being on the Swedish side of Sápmi, where the majority of the existing drums have their origins. Clearly, this is an important point to take into consideration regarding cultural heritage and its value and functions, as well as their significance with regard to how these are exploited within tourism in Finland.

Finally, and with this in mind, it is furthermore, necessary to grasp in what ways the painted landscapes on drums contain within them ancestral memories of individual family members and their own personal cosmologies as well as those landscapes that reflect the collective memory of the culture. Thus, the ancient painted drum landscapes when viewed “as cultural documents, [are] works of art [that] provide important insights into past and existing cultures, helping us to understand how others have lived and what they valued” Annenberg Foundation (2017: 1).

Photographic materials of the study – examples of cultural appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage

In addition to what has been described above with regard to the appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage and spiritual traditions into tourism in Finland, below are a selection of figures presented as evidence of exploitation. Three of these are plates containing a variety of two, three and five figures in each, as well as other single figures, that are photographic images taken by the author, making 26 figures in total. These helps demonstrate the wide variety of contexts appropriated Sámi cultural heritage appears in and thus, polarization of the Sámi at different locations and levels in northern Finland. One of the shops in Ivalo called Baija has since closed down and therefore, no longer exists. The extent to which these appropriated contexts exits, help validate the grievances many Sámi people feel because of how their inheritance as a scarce resource is used as a commodity for business development and marketing purposes in Finland in relation to tourism.

Figure. 2. Top left. From a souvenir shop in Ivalo called Lahjatalo, which is in the Sámi area, a set of three tea/beer mats (center) depicting modified symbolism and figures from the Kemi Sámi drum from the seventeenth century, currently exhibited at the Sámi Museum Siida in Inari.

Figure. 3. Top right. Further examples of textile decorations that contain Sámi cosmological landscapes, on sale in a souvenir shop in Rovaniemi, Finland. The drum landscape is copied from the Kemi Sámi drum from the seventeenth century, exhibited at the Sámi Museum Siida in Inari.

Figure. 4. Bottom left. Oven gloves with prints of a sacred drum and modified figures and symbols seen here on sale at the souvenir shop Ebba and Erkki in Levi, Finland.

Figure. 5. Bottom right. A poster advertising jewelry made by Finnish company Taigakoru, from a shop in Levi. The picture shows a man dressed in a Sámi costume holding a drum and a beater. What can be seen here is how modification of an original drum has taken place, where the background landscape of the structures on the drum are duplicated from the Kemi Sámi drum currently exhibited at the Sámi Museum Siida in Inari that has survived from the seventeenth century. The symbols and figures that are made into jewelry have migrated and been subsequently adapted from different cosmological landscapes that are painted on other drums belonging to the Swedish and Norwegian Sámi. The drumbeater, which has two feathers hanging from it is made from either leather or felt. The original Y-shaped drum beaters or hammers as they are called were traditionally made from reindeer antler-horn.

Figures. 6 and 7. Top left and top right. Small drums for decoration (fig. 6. top left) and drums that can be worn as pendants, seen here (fig. 7. top right), produced by Finnish company Lappituote, on sale in the Baija souvenir shop in Ivalo, Finland. The symbols and figures are in some cases copied from the sacred drums from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from Sweden and Norway, whilst in other cases they are invented.

Figure. 8. Bottom left. A ceramic plate on sale in a souvenir shop in Levi, containing the depiction of a Swedish Sámi drum and a series of symbols and figures circling the outside. At the top is a reference to Finland, whereas the term Lappi, which is considered as a derogatory term by the Sámi with regard to their homeland, is below.

Figure. 9. Bottom right. In this example, sacred drums and their symbolism has been reduced to the extent they are seen here printed on playing cards depicting a portrait of a sacred Sámi drum. These are on sale in a souvenir shop Lahjatalo in Ivalo, Finland, which is in the Sámi homeland area.

Figure. 10. Culinary items and clothing on sale at the souvenir shop Baija in Ivalo, Finland, depicting the Sámi drums from the former Kemi Sápmi area on the packaging as a sales gimmick.

 

Figure. 11. Tea mugs decorated with figures and symbols from sacred Sámi drums seen here from the souvenir shop Lahjatalo in Ivalo, Finland.

Figure. 12. A pair of earrings made from reindeer bone and engraved with invented landscapes supposedly reflecting those from sacred Sámi drums. These were on sale at the Baija souvenir shop in Ivalo.

Figure. 13. A new theme/fun park called Kalevala Park opened up in Oulu in 2013, between Sokos Hotel Eden and Nallikari camping area by the sea. The owner is a Finnish entrepreneur and business person. The Kalevala is a book about the Finnish National Mythology and was first published in 1835, consisting of folk poetry.

Figure. 14. The fun-park presently consists of a large machine, which takes people on a ride. The upright axels of the machine have been painted and designed to represent the carved reindeer bone hammer or drum stick used to play the sacred Sámi drum with during divination, trance, prophesying and fortune-telling, that are well known from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and, which are still produced today by Sámi persons. This is perhaps one of the most extensive misrepresentations and appropriation of Sámi traditions seen today; where spiritual culture is reduced and devalued to the extent it is seen here.

Figure. 15. Another example of appropriation and assimilation of spiritual traditions into the leisure industry depicted through the photograph, where the lower part of the axel is decorated with a selection of symbols and figures from sacred drums from the seventeenth century, including a fish, boat, axis mundi (world tree or pillar) and storage hut. These symbols are from Sámi drums from Sweden and Norway.

Figure. 16. A row of seats on the right side of the machine depicting painted headrests. These have been decorated with various spiritual deities of the Sámi as well as human figures from sacred drum landscapes from the seventeenth century. Some of these are copied from a drum that is exhibited at the Sámi Museum Siida, in Finnish Sápmi, which is from the seventeenth century. Figures as such are cultural markers on the drums and very important to the Sámi people as the essence of their spiritual culture, beliefs and practices.

Figure. 17. The row of seats of the left side of the machine have likewise, been decorated with spiritual deities from Sámi cosmology and human figures. Some of these are copied from a drum that is exhibited at the Sámi Museum Siida, in Finnish Sápmi which is from the seventeenth century.

Figure. 18. A close-up photograph of the Axis Mundi or world tree-pillar, which is a central landscape typically painted on Norwegian and Swedish Sámi drums, but not found on either of the 2 Finnish Sámi drums that have survived from the seventeenth century. In this case, the spirits who rule over the weather are visible in their respective places as is a mythical reindeer.

Figure 19, 20 and 21. Three images of Sámi persons carved from wood seen here in the holiday town of Levi, which is located in north-western Finland and is a former Sámi area. The four Sámi people whose faces are missing can be seen as being representative of the Sámi people not existing and having no identity in the north where they live. In the image in the center, where the Sámi man’s face is visible, he is depicted as a drunken person with missing teeth. In this sense, it is possible to comprehend tones of stereotypical racism which still exist today within tourism that shows how such themes are still evident.

Figures 22-26. Illustrations of different types of soaps featuring images of the nomadic Sámi that are made to look old. These images are taken from the website of Lappituote, which is a Finnish company in Kemi, northern Finland that produces souvenirs for the tourism industry[4].

With further reference to what is presented above, another dimension to appropriation and exploitation of genuine Sámi handicrafts that help to furthermore, illustrate the depth of the violations at hand within tourism is it equally important to be able to comprehend the following.

“In recent times, commercial exploitation of traditional Sámi knowledge and cultural products has increased intensely. Today, many companies outside of Sápmi mass produce “Sámi products” for a commercial market. The products are marketed as original Sámi, and are usually marked with an apparently original “indigenous peoples’ stamp” to ensure better sales. In other words, anyone can start up production of Sámi “duodji” (handicrafts) or other culture-based products for a commercial market without asking the Sámis or Sámi organizations or institutions for permission. Sámi organizations have attempted to mark approved Sámi handicraft products with a special product mark so the buyer can differentiate these from imitations. Today, the “Hong Kong businesses” have also created an imitation of the original Sámi product mark. The copy confusingly resembles the original” Solbakk (2007: 8).

Why is mythical symbolism important and how can its value be defined?

These next two following chapters are included for the purposes of helping to formulate an understanding of the importance and value of mythical art, which is characterized by ritual symbolism related to Sámi language. Moreover, how mythical landscapes, which have been stolen, become devalued as they are manufactured as fake religious symbolism and imagery that are to be found in many contexts within both tourism and the souvenir industries throughout Finland that have nothing to do with Finnish language.

As a way of striking a contrast between genuine mythical symbolism and fake art with regard to grasping the value of cultural memory and expression, it is necessary to comprehend how on authentic Noaidi drums, art acts as an interface between the Noaidi as artist and his relationship with nature. The myths, mythical thinking and journeys are all an expression of the relations with natural world and are portrayed through a multitude of forms depicted by the drum users in connection to various landscapes, animals, spirits and sacred places for example. The mythical realm of Sáivo and world of the departed called Jabma Aimo are two examples.

It is important to be able to grasp how appropriation is not only about the reuse of symbolism. Henceforth, it is essential to comprehend how symbolism functions in relation to spiritual practices that are sacred, moreover, and the link between mythical symbolism and language, which are both systems of communication can be furthermore understood when there is an appreciation of how in Sámi society, “the person who had full insight and knowledge of drums and the mystical world of its symbols was the Noaidi. Only he could understand all the signs painted on the drum-skin, and only he could master the power that existed in the body of the drum” Westman and Mulk (1999: 12)[5].

To attempt to further expand on these matters, in her scholarly works titled Mythic Images and Shamanism – a Perspective on Kalevala Poetry (2002: 49), Anna-Leena Siikala, who has written extensively on both Sámi and Siberian shamanism emphasizes that in terms of communication and inter-species communication that is translated into art:

“Mythical phenomena are expressed by illustrations instead of abstract concepts; they are “seen”. However, mythical images are not just any images or observations; they acquire meaning by referring to the phenomena of the mythical world. This referential relationship based on the belief tradition is the key to understanding mythic discourse”.

Moreover, Siikala (2002: 48) also refers to in what manner “although mythic images belong to the domain of hidden knowledge and maybe used primarily by ritual experts, they nonetheless resemble the conventional images of everyday life in that they are recurrent”.

Furthermore, Siikala (2002: 54) likewise, makes an additional important point in connection with how she has “[…] discussed the fact that the images and the metaphors of mythic language are linked to thoughts and experiences of the other world. These, too, are founded on concepts concerning the manifestations of the other world”, and therefore, makes them extremely important in relation to their value as representations of cultural memory, transmission of culture as well as existence.

There are many cosmological landscapes painted on the drum heads, which are important because of their “[…] symbolic value as a visual or verbal metaphor” Siikala (2002: 55). Most of these have their origin in the shamanic ritual, which in the case of the Sámi, acts as one of the main metaphors in the production of mythic art because they communicate instructions, taboos and customs on how to live in relation to beliefs, practices and livelihood.

A further important mythical structure on many Sámi drums from Swedish Sápmi is the world pillar or axis mundi, which typically has a Sun symbol at its center.

“[…] [This] Mythic pillar which upholds the sky, is used as a metaphoric expression of the unity and singleness of the universe; its precise location however, is ultimately not outside human existence, but lies within the mind of every individual, and as such, generates mental representations both of that individual’s own thoughts and experience and of the surrounding reality. It is sacred postulates of this kind that, according to Roy Rappaport, are the hallmark of a religion. They characterize religious thinking and religious discourse within a particular cultural context, especially because they represent a different type of logic compared to everyday thought and discourse” Anttonen (2012: 184).

When considering what is described through the aforementioned, we encounter the integrity of drum making and decoration as a set of sacred processes the formulation of which, build systems of knowledge that are embedded in the Sámi cultural context and self-construction both individually and collectively. Moreover, helping us with understanding in what ways the painted landscapes are one of the ways the Noaiddit retained this knowledge, which had been transmitted across generations for hundreds if not thousands of years. Ultimately, the decoration of drums was and still is a powerful way to sustain traditions, customs and practices it could be said, where both linguistic and cultural diversity is maintained. Knowledge as such depicts the spiritual technology of how to intervene in nature and in what ways this works through skills of Noaiddit as an artist, tradition bearer and inter-species communicator and who translated cultural narratives into mythic images that have important meaning and value in relation to well-being, wholeness and vitality.

When it is taken into consideration how the value of mythic art and images are representative of both the construction of self and culture as evidence for existence, through persecution, when these are taken away from them, it meant that neither the Sámi nor their culture exists anymore, and neither does their religion. Thus, when traditions, knowledge and practices are removed forcibly or otherwise, dispossession of culture prevails, which eventually leads to incomprehensible demoralization, fragmentation and illnesses such as alcoholism and suicides. By contrast, when culture and traditions are preserved and protected, it is life enhancing and their value is maintained.

The roles and values of cosmological landscapes and mythic symbolism as maps to ecstasy.

As a method to help provide another contrast between the differences concerning authentic art, and fake tourism art as seen introduced above, the discussion now briefly examines the value and decoration and use of ancient cosmological drum landscapes and symbolism created by Sámi Noaiddit in association with spiritual practices.

The material attempts to further bring into focus the inaccurate understanding of how anything representative of Sámi pre-Christian religion and related practices were considered evil and therefore, had to be suppressed and thus destroyed. In other words, after hundreds of years of missionizing, and thus as an extension of these actions by the Nation States these traditions are seen as being obsolete and this can be understood as one of the reasons why manufactures both in Finland and abroad feel they have free reign to exploit something they believe does not exist anymore. However, this faulty belief-system is untrue; and is something it could be argued that has contributed massively to the tourism industry appropriating Sámi cultural symbolism.

The same divine spirits, supernatural beings and mythical figures depicted on the sacred drums of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries still play a central role and function in the everyday lives of the Sámi people today. One only has to look at the use of ancient symbolism, beliefs and practices within the Sámi handicraft tradition of duodji and construction of new types of drums by contemporary Noaidi within Sámi society today.

In addition, the tradition of joiking, which is a special form of Sámi singing that was banned because it was considered by missionaries and priests to be the language of the devil, has likewise, been re-animated. Therefore, affirming and validating their existence and function as central components within the Cosmic Order of the Sámi people today and many of the myths that are tied to drums and shamanism therefore, still play a central role and function. Therefore, and despite how “[…] the drums are now museum pieces, [and] Christianity has replaced the original Sámi religion; nevertheless, the holy power of the drums has in no way been lost. Even now, we approach them with great respect” Westman and Mulk (1999: 6).

Despite some of the concepts of cultural and religious beliefs, practices, customs and traditions changing, prolonged connections between past and present generations play a central part in Sámi ways of life. Moreover, the drums and their cosmological landscapes can also be seen as a vital link between the living and the dead. On this basis, it can be understood that there are still a good many Sámi people who have not abandoned their pre-Christian religion, but who continue to practice secretly. For example, in Finland, Sámi people still make offerings to sieidi stones because they are considered to protect the family, as well as deceased relatives and provide contact with supernatural beings who reside in various invisible worlds. Likewise, the drum is still a central feature used in healing and divination, which also involves trance and ecstasy in relation to communication with deceased relatives who protect the family. There are many sieidi stones as offering sites depicted on both old and new sacred drum landscapes, which demonstrates cultural continuity and link past and present practices together.

A belief in the afterlife in relation to the continuity of the soul after death is prevalent in Sámi society. For example, graves containing the remains of Noaiddit have been found in all Sámi and former Sámi areas throughout Fennoscandia and the Kola Peninsula in north-west Russia. Bone hammers made from reindeer antler, as well as brass rings have been found in Finland, for example on Palosaari Island in Kuusamo and at Savukoski cemetery in Finnish Sápmi, which are both former Sámi settlement areas[6]. These are tools associated with drum use, divination and ecstasy in the afterlife, which indicate the continuity of the soul after death and that deceased Noaidi and other ancestors could be called upon for help. This contact was quite often undertaken through ecstatic states of consciousness.

Sámi handicraft person Hege Sunna (2006: 23) says that:

“In the ancient times the world was not perceived as only being inhabited by people and animals, but also by a number of invisible spirit beings. Among them the deceased relatives who lived in the netherworld were especially important. They could be of great help and guidance for the living and showed themselves in dreams or in other ways”.

The link between heritage and landscapes is one of relationships that form a bridge between culture and nature. Having stated that, indigenous peoples do not see any division or separation between the two. These relationships are renewed and strengthened through beliefs and practices with regard to traditions and customs. The value of the place of the dead and the dead themselves as well as mythic images of animals, supernatural beings, human figures and solar and lunar symbolism for example, despite the changes in culture, traditions, practices and customs depicted on the ancient painted drum heads, when combined together, illustrate interdependency between different life-forms including the living and departed. An understanding of these relationships, moreover, adds to the value of the ancient drums and why the Sámi are fighting to protect their cultural heritage and symbolism from exploitation.

Summary – how can the consequences of appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage be assessed based on the evidence provided above?

In addition to what has been presented above in relation to appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage into tourism and polarization of the Sámi people, it is necessary to take into account how these acts by the tourism industry, which have been allowed by the government in Finland can be seen as further acts of the dominant Finnish culture over the ethnic Sámi groups, who also took over their lands and adapted reindeer herding also, which in Sweden and Norway is only permitted among Sámi people.

When it is taken into consideration the ritual and spiritual significance as well as value of the drums and their symbolism and figures and how they have been appropriated, it is clearly obvious that the Finns have neither sought permission to reuse Sámi cultural heritage within tourism, or taken into consideration how practices and beliefs related to Sámi pre-Christian religion have not vanished from the earth and neither have the meanings and functions of the symbolism, which represent it. Thus, through tourism people are given a false sense of identity, portrait and understanding concerning how Sámi religion and related traditional knowledge has been adapted by or is also a part of Finnish culture and traditions.

Broader significance of the consequences of this is emphasized by Sámi handicraft professor from the Sámi University College in Kautokeino, Norway, Gunvor Guttorm (2005: 76) who has for instance defended in what ways:

“Consequently, many persons consider it offensive that the designs and ornaments of the shaman’s drum are used indiscriminately and particularly so when outsiders use them for profit. The decorations could signify affiliation with a particular group, or they could be purely ornamental. There are traces of the ancient religion in modern superstitions connected with the acquisition of raw materials, the work and how the object is used or handled. These superstitions also include spells for ensuring success, and there are many superstitions related to avoiding bad luck”.

To add to this, Sámi scholars Jelena Porsanger and Gunvor Guttorm (2011: 38) have likewise, made it known in what manner:

“Indigenous Peoples have experienced that their traditional knowledge has been exploited, misused and commercialized into a commodity to be bought and sold, and that academic knowledge is usually given priority and legitimacy, while the validity of traditional knowledge is viewed with suspicion. Recently, indigenous peoples have called the world’s attention to their right and obligation to control their own traditional knowledge”.

Sunna (2006: 5) has further noted in relation to the value and importance of tradition, history and cultural heritage, how “everyday duodji has a historic background. It might be crafted with techniques dating back to the time the utensil or functional artifacts began to be used, or it might be ornamented with ancient designs”.

In defense of Sami property and because of the need for the critical protection of Sámi handicrafts, Rensujeff (2011: 1) furthermore, outlines one of the main problems in Finland regarding appropriation of Sámi cultural heritage and a lack of protection.

“In 1982, the Nordic Saami Council registered the Sámi duodji trademark in Sweden. The use of this trademark is managed in Finland by Sámi duodji association (however, the trademark has not been registered in Finland and it has been used as an unregistered trademark). The trademark is an authenticity guarantee, which indicates that the handicrafts product was made by a Sámi artisan in accordance with duodji handicrafts tradition”. (Translated from Finnish to English by Tuomas Mattila (2018: 37).

It is necessary to acknowledge how for example, because none of the souvenirs presented through the figures above that are on sale in shops are genuinely made by the Sámi, therefore, none of these contain the duodji trademark. From observation, there appears to be several additional pitfalls, which are mechanism that can be seen as equally as problematic. These furthermore, help with outlining why there is a widespread problem with the assimilation of Sámi spiritual culture into economical tourism in Finland due to a lack of protection, and therefore, are likewise, important to note.

From assessment of the data above that has been published from within Sámi scholarship pertaining to assimilation and appropriation of traditions and false practices within tourism (Solbakk 2007, Guttorm 2005 and 2007; Porsanger and Guttorm 2011), evidence suggests how perhaps the core of the problem of appropriation centers on in what ways the Sámi have not been able to stop the reproductions of their handicrafts because of a lack of involvement and consultation. Hence, there has been no implementation of legal frameworks or structures for heritage management that have been put in place where the Sámi, for example, in Finland, could engage with educational establishments and businesses to inform about such matters.

As perhaps the appropriation of Sámi cosmological landscapes at the Kalevala fun-park ride in Oulu might suggest as well as the distorted images of the Sámi persons in Levi. In addition, so little is taught about Sámi culture and history is schools and academic establishments, this can be likewise seen as a further contributing factor to such ignorance. Thus, and as the old adage goes: if you’re not seen you do not exist.

In terms of new types of drums made by Sámi persons ritualistically, it is important to grasp, in what ways and by contrast, the Noaiddit as a ritual specialist earlier, used a complex form of divination in order to contact, and establish the powers of the universe concerning sacrifice, hunting and fishing as well as answers to problems and everyday matters. He also communicated with the spiritual powers in the physical world and those of the weather. The drum acted as a type of oracle and could also be described as a cognitive map. When viewed historically, the ritual aspects of the art appear to be intimately linked to these practices which are very ancient. Despite changes in culture because of colonialism, ancient taboos and customs are still adhered to today amongst the Sámi. By contrast, this is not the case with drums made for sale within the tourism industry, which reduces the value of authentic traditional knowledge and spiritual practices, thus causing much offence, as has been outlined previously.

Therefore, what the Sámi as an indigenous people have managed to preserve that has been inherited from their ancestors, which has immense value, is misused and misrepresented by the fact that the Finns or tourism industry in the north of the country in particular, does not know or fully understand the nature of what is being exploited for profit and cause a distorted perception of the Sámi people and their traditional religion.

[Otherwise stated], “Cultural misappropriation significantly impacts the ability of Indigenous peoples and communities to manage the maintenance, expression, protection and transmission of cultural heritage. It also challenges Indigenous peoples’ rights of ownership and cultural control over aspects of their culture. Regardless of the intent, cultural misappropriation can be disruptive to the cultural, social, spiritual and economic health and wellbeing of Indigenous peoples and communities” (Hamilton 2020: 1).

If today, duodji production is copy-written to individuals and families then the following points need to be given consideration, What does it mean when the ancient drums are brought into focus and there are signatures on some of these from the persons they belonged to, as well as the names of individuals who owned the drums that were confiscated in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which are documented in for example, the works of Manker noted above? The reasons it is important to ask this question is because Finnish businesses use the figures and symbolism from cosmological landscapes, not only regarding the two drums that have survived from the former Kemi Sámi areas in Finland, but the major resources used in tourism in Finland are illustrations of various cosmological landscapes from ancient sacred Swedish and Norwegian Sámi drums as well.

The need to comprehend how there are family descendants still alive today, of those Sámi men who owned the drums and were persecuted and murdered between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries on the Swedish and Norwegian sides of Sápmi, it is fundamental to understand how the subject matter of appropriation and exploitation goes far beyond reproducing fake symbolism within the tourism industry. The fact this reality is probably not even known about within the tourism industry can be viewed as yet another attempt to vanquish Sámi history, cultural – ancestral memory and traditions.

What this means is it poses questions as to whether or not if any attempts are made by the government in Finland to legislate the cultural heritage of the Sámi regarding protection and preservation, will this mean only to protect the symbolism and figures from the two drums from the former Finnish Sápmi area, or will it include protection of Swedish and Norwegian drum landscapes that are reproduced within tourism in Finland as well?

To conclude the analysis concerning what has been presented above, the illustrations of the nomadic Sámi on soap boxes prompts and important question. How should landscapes as such be interpreted?

It is necessary to mention this because in the past there have been earlier literature sources published by Finns, which clearly suggest complete hostility towards the nomadic Sámi as is explained in relation to attitudes towards paintings depicting Sámi people through the art works of Juho Kyyhkymen as Tuija Hautala-Hirvioja (2006: 104-106), further explains.

“Edvard Richter wrote in the Finnish language newspaper Helsingin Sanomat (21 October 1908): In the paintings there are Sámi moving from one place to another, the Sámi are little ugly human beasts as whom we here in south-Finland can sometimes look for payment. Sigurd Frosterus in Swedish language Nya Pressen wrote positively about Kyyhkynen’s landscapes, but did not mention the Sámi at all. Gustaf Strengell wrote in the Swedish language newspaper Hufvudstadsbladet (2 November 1908): Northern lights, red sunsets and ancient Sámi people who travel on the tundra covered with snow, are so strange that they spoil the whole artistic enjoyment […]

This nationalism was based on the idea that the culture of Finnish peasants was the only homogenous national culture of Finland. It was a Finnish cultural duty to transfer agriculture to the northernmost part of Finland in order to raise the cultural level of the primitive nomads. During this transformation, the Sámi would gradually assimilate into the Finnish population and learn the Finnish language and habits”.

Stopping short of associating the Sámi with uncleanliness as has been the Swedish, Finnish and Norwegian mentality towards indigenous peoples in general, there appears to be a bizarre twist to how the nomadic Sámi are portrayed on soap boxes, given how they have been stereotyped and discriminated against for centuries[7]. Moreover, in early writings – missionary texts, Sámi women are defined as being unclean and not allowed to be close to the Noaidi drum or on the same path is was traveling. With this in mind, we are able to understand how the Sámi have been portrayed from yet another outside-external perspective of their culture in order to create a new brand to market as souvenirs and it seems there is still not enough that has been done to counteract these malign portraits.

Concluding remarks

To conclude, the analysis presented above, which brings into focus various Sámi voices, and photographic materials collected by the author, outlining the many contexts appropriation (cannibalization) of Sámi cultural heritage appears within the tourism industry in Finland not only summarizes the level of polarization, grievances, hurt and disregard for Sámi culture and traditions both past and present but highlights an overall lack of support regarding protection, preservation and acknowledgement of Sámi culture as a whole. This is because despite what is written in the agreements between the Sámi Parliament in Finland and the tourism industry, there are still no real solid mechanisms in place that would stop appropriation of heritage into tourism.

When given further consideration to in what ways sacred Sámi drums and the histories of the Sámi people are showcased within museum collections throughout Europe, in addition to how the tourism industry in Finland is exploiting Sámi cultural heritage in order to improve the economic situation through misrepresentation of values, beliefs, practices and cheap forms of entertainment in order to provide exotic experiences, suggests the interplay between all of these factors is detrimental towards the self-esteem, health and well-being of the Sámi people.

Based on the evidence above, there is unequivocally no denying just how Finns have made Sámi shamanism, cosmology, traditions and spiritual practices into a commodity based on tourist attractions, on the basis of the uniqueness of Sámi cultural practices and ethnicity, where their history and culture has been and continues to be exotically showcased through exploitation and thus, extensive polarization in numerous ways. The Sámi Noaiddit has made the artwork and symbolism associated with these original sources of art and therefore, this in itself is a distinct feature, which separates the two cultures (Finnish and Sámi) from each other in connection with identity and cultural heritage.

Attestation to what has been presented suggests the Sámi are still far away from gaining influence over their cultural heritage when it comes to tourism and marketing in Finland. Both the lack of involvement regarding heritage management and adequate protection in relation to the regulation of the production by Finnish companies of fake Sámi handicrafts is an indication that assimilation processes, which mirror colonialism and its practices, are still widespread particularly throughout northern Finland today.

In terms of economic development in northern Finland, a question remains as to why we do not see for example, Finnish costumes and symbolism and figures from Kalevala jewelry stamped on souvenirs and on sale en-mass in shops and hotels and department stores within the tourist industry, to the extent we see fake Sámi artefacts? Perhaps because the Kalevala is the nineteenth century Finnish national epic, which despite featuring shamans and folk poetry that have formed oral traditions, these are much less exotic and not as lucrative for the Finns to market, as the tradition of Sámi Noaidivuohta is.

In all examples introduced above in relation to photographic materials, both the sale of all items and the decoration of the fun-park ride with sacred Sámi drum symbolism presents unarguably, evidence for a promotional mixture of cross-cultural commodification in order to both stimulate interest and generate income, through tourism, which means in northern Finland, this can be viewed as business as usual.

The overall consequences of such actions are not fully understood outside of Sámi culture at this time, because research into this subject matter in relation to fake practices and souvenirs in connection with Sámi Noaidivuohta; especially in Finland, as noted previously, has been quite slow. However, in terms of damage to the spiritual traditions and indeed economy of the Sámi people, there are tones in what Nelson (1982: 1) has to say on this matter, which reflect what Guttorm above says.

“The economic impact of the souvenir industry can be important as much as it guarantees further monetarization of the native economy and its irreversible enmeshment in the world economic system. The economic rewards may speed the destruction of traditional roles and values and provide new role models for the younger generation of the acculturating minority society”.

As a response, and as has been demonstrated, there are a series of fundamental flaws in the ways the obligations and responsibilities towards protecting the cultural heritage of the Sámi people in Finland and their traditions by the Finnish government are lacking. For a broader understanding about this subject matter, see Grey and Kuokkanen (2019) and Joy (2020). To conclude this survey, I want to make two further points in closing. The first is how there is no justification for appropriation based on any theory of how and because of the false assumption that traditional Sámi Noaidivuohta has faded away that this gives Finns the right to appropriate Sámi culture and traditions because of missing spiritual elements in their own culture. As a result of these findings based on the research introduced above, I am hoping the benefit of outsider research in my case will help strengthen the resolve as to how it is clear that more studies in all areas of academic enquiry are needed on this complex subject matter.

The second point is how the value of indigenous art in relation to the mythical and cosmological symbolism as social and spiritual representation described above by Sámi scholars clearly demonstrates in a number of ways how these structures provide a series of links between heritage and landscapes and form a bridge between culture and nature, past and present and the living and departed. Moreover, how myths and their symbolism are a representation of a living faith and traditions.

In many of the world’s religions, there are holy books and scriptures written by various leaders from which texts and symbols are copied and reused. This is not the case within the traditional religion of the Sámi people. Drums are sacred vessels and the cosmological landscapes painted on them are embedded knowledge systems of communication that are unique to the Sámi in the ways they contain value and belief systems and information about myths and legends tied to the Arctic environment, animals, eco-systems, sacred places, ancestors and spirits of culture.

Existence of Sámi society and culture, as well as the people themselves is largely dependent on both the physical and invisible realities and the inheritance of this legacy provides the necessary structures and formations, which makes life, livelihood and existence possible. It can be considered that the desecration of the beliefs and values, which given meaning and purpose to life for the Sámi people, should be reduced and misrepresented through cheap commodities for the purpose of exemplifying the present-day colonization of Sámi spiritual traditions and cultural heritage can be seen as nothing less that exploitation and further attempts at polarization and assimilation of culture in the 21st century in Finland.

 

Francis Joy, PhD.
The Arctic Anthropology Team, The Arctic Centre, University of Lapland
Rovaniemi, Finland.

 

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[1] See this link to their collective works: https://www.doria.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/134162/The%20Saami%20Shaman%20Drum%201991%20OCR.pdf?sequence=2
[2] https://www.rovaniemi.fi/loader.aspx?id=e116ab49-5112-4596-8652-1d3ea4a16eba).
[3] https://www.facebook.com/groups/19862103008/
[4] https://www.lappituote.fi/etusivu/
[5] There is a documentary called Eatnameamet – Our Silent Struggle, by Suvi West, which is due out this year and that introduces examples of fake joiking and also ridiculing of the Sámi joik by Finns in different contexts. The trailer to the documentary can be found here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lna5_1aomVI
[6] See for example, Francis Joy (2016). The Sámi Noaidi Grave in Kuusamo and the Significance of the North-South Orientation. Journal of Finnish Studies Volume 19/1: pp208-243.
[7] See for example, a sobering Ombudsman’s report from Sweden regarding discrimination and racism towards the Sámi there (pp. 32) https://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/indigenous/ExpertMechanism/3rd/docs/contributions/SwedishEqualityOmbudsman_2.pdf